Lincoln and myself on three points, we went before the people of the State. He said that all these distinctions between this man and that man, this race and the other race, must be discarded, and we must all stand by the Declaration of Independence, declaring that all men were created equal. He insisted, in that speech, that the Declaration of Independence included the negro in the clause, asserting that all men were created equal, and went so far as to say that if one man was allowed to take the position, that it did not include the negro, others might take the position that it did not include other men. ![]() ("That's so.) He adopted in support of this position the argument which Lovejoy and Codding, and other Abolition lecturers had made familiar in the northern and central portions of the State, to wit: that the Declaration of Independence having declared all men free and equal, by Divine law, also that negro equality was an inalienable right, of which they could not be deprived. In that Chicago speech he even went further than he had before, and uttered sentiments in regard to the negro being on an equality with the white man. Lincoln replied to me at Chicago, explaining at some length, and reaffirming the positions which he had taken in his Springfield speech. Lincoln at Springfield, and controverted by me in my reply to him at Chicago. Thus there was an issue clear and distinct made up between us on these two propositions laid down in the speech of Mr. Lincoln on the points which he had presented. On the 10th of July I returned home, and delivered a speech to the people of Chicago, in which I announced it to be my purpose to appeal to the people of Illinois to sustain the course I had pursued in Congress. His second proposition was a crusade against the Supreme Court of the United States because of the Dred Scott decision urging as an especial reason for his opposition to that decision that it deprived the negroes of the rights and benefits of that clause in the Constitution of the United States which guaranties to the citizens of each State all the rights, privileges, and immunities of the citizens of the several States. I give you his opinions almost in the identical language he used. Lincoln's were: First, that this Government could not endure permanently divided into free and slave States, as our fathers made it that they must all become free or all become slave all become one thing or all become the other, otherwise this Union could not continue to exist. The principal points in that speech of Mr. Lincoln as their candidate for the United States Senate, and he, on that occasion, delivered a speech in which he laid down what he understood to be the Republican creed and the platform on which he proposed to stand during the contest. On the 16th of June the Republican Convention assembled at Springfield and nominated Mr. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: It is now nearly four months since the canvass between Mr. SENATOR DOUGLAS.- You will get an answer in the course of my remarks. ![]() ![]() HOPE.- Do you believe that the Territorial legislatures ought to pass laws to protect slavery in the territories? SENATOR DOUGLAS.-If you will not occupy too much of my time. HOPE.-Judge, before you commence speaking, allow me to ask you a question. As he was about to commence speaking, he was interrupted by Dr. Long and loud bursts of applause greeted Senator Douglas when he appeared on the stand.
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